Labeling, Schools, and Play

 

GLENN M. HUDAK

Department of Educational Leadership & Cultural Foundations

University of North Carolina-Greensboro

            gmhudak@uncg.edu

            Fall, 2007

 

 

     In this essay I will discuss the labeling of children in schools. My concern here is the need for humanization of the school environment, especially those schools in economically poor communities. Unfortunately, for many children growing up in economically poor neighborhoods, the labels “poor,” “minority,” “special needs,” have become the outward symbols of internalized oppression that weighs heavily upon the child’s sense of self and their relationship with the world in which they live. For being labeled “poor” already carries with it connotations about children’s social location, connotations that prefigure, fix and formulate their entire family into a stereotype.  Here, being poor and a child of color becomes an indictment of the family and its poverty-- an indictment which many people of color have little control over, especially within a system that is set against them.

        As an educator and psychotherapist working with high school age students of color in New York City, it is quite common for me to listen to stories of abuse and neglect on the home front coupled, often times, with disturbing stories of day-to-day life in their school. Despite notable efforts by many teachers, most often the students I work with tell me that a resounding message they often hear from “the school” is that they are “losers,” and “dumb,” and “not worth the effort [to teach].” And while it is painful for me to listen to their stories, it is equally painful to realize that their accounts of school life and the attendant practices of labeling are not uncommon.

     Many of the stories I hear of urban school life in economically poor neighborhoods are unfortunately all too familiar, especially to those of us who have read Jonathan Kozol’s classic text, Savage Inequalities (1991). Kozol writes of the plight of children of color in the economically devastated neighborhoods of East St. Louis, Chicago, and the Bronx, New York, amongst other urban areas, and the pervasively hostile learning environments these students have to encounter on a daily basis. Besides the terrible learning environments these students must confront, there are the effects of racial segregation twinned with being labeled “poor” that these kids must live through. Most often the younger children are not aware of either the labels or what is in store for them in the future. In one telling observation made during a visit to a South Chicago kindergarten, Kozol writes,

Four little boys are still asleep on a green rug an hour later when I leave the room. I stand at the door and look at the children, most of whom are sitting at the table now to have their milk. Nine years from now, most of these children will go to Manley High School, an enormous, ugly building just a block away that has a graduation rate of 38 percent. Twelve years from now, by junior year of high school, if neighborhood statistics hold true for these children, 14 of these 23 boys and girls will have dropped out of school. Fourteen years from now, four of these kids, at most, will go to college. Eighteen years from now, one of those four may graduate from college, but three of the 12 boys in this kindergarten will have already spent time in prison.

If one stands here in this kindergarten room and does not know these things, this moment seems auspicious. But if one knows the future that awaits them, it is terrible to see their eyes look up at you with friendliness and trust- to see this and to know what is in store for them. (Kozol, p. 45).

 

     Indeed, this is a horrible thing to witness. Outraged, Kozol wonders why the injustice continues, for “these are innocent children, after all:”

They have done nothing wrong. They have committed no crime. They are too young to have offended us in any way. One searches for some way to understand why a society as rich and, frequently, as generous as ours would leave these children in their penury and squalor for so long- and with so little public indignation. Is it just a strange mistake of history? Is it unusual? Is it an American anomaly?”(p.40). 

Unfortunately, the answer to Kozol’s queries is an unequivocal “No!”

     Educational historian Joel Spring (1997) documents how from its inception the American public school was never intended to serve all children equally. Spring notes the formation of two separate, segregated school systems as early as the 1630’s in the New England colonies (Spring, p.9). One system served the ruling elite through what was called the grammar school. Grammar school graduates later went on to college to train for their role as the leaders of the colonies. The other system included both informal education at home to learn the basics of reading and charity schools where the children of the poor were to learn obedience to authority. What I find most interesting is that the formation of schooling for the majority of children during the colonial period focused on character education. Schools served as technologies of the self with the purpose of sifting, sorting and selecting children for their places in society by molding, in part, the character and consciousness of children not in the dominant class. Furthermore, it is important to understand that the formation of common schooling was not only based on a segregation, a system of tracking; but more so, school served as a mechanism to label and process the poor, immigrants, and people of color, especially Native Americans.

     Racist and elitist notions are woven into the very fabric of the American educational enterprise. Spring declares,

It is my hypothesis that the educational crusade for the religious and cultural conversion of Native Americans contributed to the nineteenth-century vision of the public school as a primary means for ending crime, poverty, and social and political conflicts. As I will argue…there was little difference in the minds of the nineteenth-century Protestant public school advocates between ‘savage’ Indians, unrepentant criminals, the rebellious poor, and the ‘heathen’ Irish-Catholic immigrant. In fact, the English and Protestant sense of cultural superiority originally developed during the twelfth-century English invasion of Ireland. Many English colonialists likened the ‘savage’ Indian to the ‘savage’ Irish (p.5).

 

The “grid,” if you will, for racist labeling in public schooling has as its earliest template the overlaying of the term ‘savage’ onto all who were not a part of the dominate English, Protestant elite. This grid early on was targeted especially at Native Americans and the Irish Catholics. For the English hatred, for the Irish becomes the paradigm for the treatment of “the Other,” especially Native Americans, in colonial society.

     This practice of racist labeling of “the Other” as “savage” is accomplished through a series of substitutions in identity: the “savage” Indian becomes identical to the “savage” Irish; one identity is erased and negated for another. In essence, both the Native American and the Irish were turned into objects by the English elite; objects whose humanity was denied. No longer able to name themselves, as subjects in the world, the Native American and the Irish are named, labeled as less than human, and hence not deserving to be treated with either dignity or respect. Indeed, Spring continues to note that these racist attitudes towards people of color and the poor were common among the founding “fathers.” “Many European Americans,” writes Spring,

envisioned North America as a land that would be primarily inhabited by whites. Benjamin Franklin worried that there were larger numbers of Africans and Asians in the world than European whites. He considered expansion into North America an opportunity to increase the white race. Shortly before the Revolution, Franklin argued that the English were the ‘principle body of white people.’ (p.35).

 

To make room for the white race, the mode of operations were either genocide or containment of native Americans on small farms and reservations (Ibid.). Here we see the attitude and treatment of Native Americans (and others) as the primary paradigm for all who were non-white and labeled ‘savages.’ Given the pervasive atmosphere of hatred in the colonies, it is legitimate to wonder about the ‘toxic’ effects of internalizing racist labels for Native Americans. By ‘toxic’ I am referring to labels that have the power to oppress and thwart one’s humanity, those labels that have the potential to poison the soul, so to speak. For needless to say, within the constellation of human affairs the process of labeling is a complex and often a contradictory practice, where not all practices of labeling people are necessarily toxic or oppressive.  Here also, as Paulo Freire (1997) defines, “any situation in which ‘A’ objectively exploits ‘B’ or hinders his or her pursuit of self-affirmation as a responsible person is one of oppression.  Such a situation in itself constitutes violence . . . because it interferes with the individual’s ontological and historical vocation to be more fully human.” ( p. 37).  For the labeling process to be oppressive, or “toxic,” it must demonstrate a moment of exploitation where one’s ontological vocation – being fully human – is hindered. Here such acts of toxic labeling are acts of violence against the person.

     Today within modern societies, practices of toxic labeling operate within complex historically-defined relations of power, systems of representation, and sites of identity formation-- sites where those in power have the privilege to frame the identity of those unable to name their own world collectively. For Freire, this means the oppressed.  As Cameron McCarthy and Warren Crichlow (1993, p. xvi) point out, “issues of identity and representation directly raise questions about who has the power to define whom, and when and how.” Here I want to emphasize that those who are oppressed and marginalized in society – because of a number of factors, including race, class, gender, sexual orientation, age and national origin – often do not have control over the production of images of themselves, rather they are labeled instead. The issue is precisely: who labels whom and for what larger, political purpose.  This is a knotty problem on many levels.

     To illustrate the “toxic” effects associated with the internalization of racist labels, I want to continue to focus on the plight of Native Americans, who with the Irish have experienced the earliest forms of labeling. Specifically, I want to focus on the writing of contemporary Native American author Leslie Marmon Silko who captures the insidious workings of labeling on Native American students who have internalized the dominant ideology’s images and values at the cost of their own humanity. To begin, consider two passages from Silko’s novel Ceremony (1978) to illustrate the effect of toxic labeling on economically poor Native Americans today. In the first passage I will present we find Little Sister, a young woman who is at odds with herself: she hates being an Indian, and struggles to become white. As we enter the scene Little Sister wants to leave the reservation, and her older sister (Auntie), who feels shame at Little Sister’s indiscretions, is unable to stop her on her path to destruction.  (I will quote at length to give the texture of the scene and a lived sense of how through labels one internalizes of the image of oppressor.)

…When Little Sister had started drinking wine and riding in the cars with white men and Mexicans, the people could not define their feeling about her. The Catholic priest shook his finger at the drunkenness and lust, but the people felt something deeper: they were losing her, they were losing part of themselves. The older sister had to act; she had to act for the people, to get her back.

            It might have been possible if the girl had not been ashamed of herself. Shamed by what they taught her in school about the deplorable ways of the Indian people; holy missionary white people who wanted only good for the Indians, white people who dedicated their lives to helping the Indians, these people urged her to break away from home. She was excited to see that despite the fact she was an Indian, white men smiled at her from their cars as she walked from the bus in Albuquerque back to the Indian School. She smiled and waved; she looked at her own reflection in the windows of the houses she passed; her dress, her lipstick, her hair- it all done perfectly, the way the home-ec teacher taught them, exactly like the white girls.

            But after she had been with them, she could feel the truth in their fists in their greedy feeble love-making; but it was a truth which she had no English words for. She hated the people at home when white people talked about their peculiarities; but she always hated herself more because she still thought about them, because she knew their pain at what she was doing with her life. The feelings of shame, at her own people and at the white people, grew inside her, side by side like monstrous twins that would have left her in the hills to die (p. 68-9).

 

Little Sister is divided within her soul; she is at war with herself.  Here we see how Little Sister has internalized the struggle between her own people and the white teachers and missionaries. Caught between the shame of her people and the racism of the white teachers and missionaries, Little Sister’s response is one of shame and self-hatred. For Little Sister, to be an Indian is about shame, not self-affirmation. Having internalized the white definition for Indian she can no longer see value in her own heritage. The white label “Indian” sinks deep into Little Sister’s definition of self, and this is not only tragic but more, it is an act of violence perpetrated by a toxic label aimed at all Native Americans.

     Notice that Little Sister’s torment creates an internal duality within her-- that is, she is unable to bridge the “gap” between who she is (Native American) and who she would like to be (white). “The oppressed,” writes Paulo Freire,

suffer from the duality which has established itself in their innermost being…They are at one and the same time themselves and the oppressor whose consciousness they have internalized. The conflict lies in the choice between being wholly themselves or being divided…The central problem is this: …Only as they [the oppressed] discover themselves to be ‘hosts’ of the oppressor can they contribute to the midwifery of their [own liberation]. As long as they live in duality in which to be is to be like, and to be like is to be like the oppressor, this contribution is impossible” (1997, p.30).

It is clear that Little Sister’s suffering is established within her innermost being where she “hosts” the oppressors’ image of herself. For Little Sister, to be liked is to be like a white women, because this is an historic impossibility, she has no inner peace with her dream.

     In the second passage below, I focus on Rocky, Little Sister’s nephew. In this passage, Rocky’s mother (Auntie) is proud of her son. She takes pleasure knowing he has been raised “properly,” for Rocky wants go to college and make something of himself. As this scene begins, Rocky is eating dinner with his mother and uncles, and gets drawn into a discussion about the breeding of cattle, pitting “Indian methods” against “the scientific way.”

            Rocky dunked his tortilla in the chili beans and kept chewing; he didn’t care what they said. He was already thinking of the years ahead and the new places and the people that were waiting for him in the future he lived for since he first began to believe in the word ‘somebody’ the way white people do…

[As dinner proceeds Rocky enters the conversation about breeding cattle. His father Josiah is speaking]… ‘I guess we will have to get along without these books,’ he said. ‘We’ll have to do things our own way.’…

Tayo and Robert laughed with him, but Rocky was quiet. He looked up from his books.

‘Those books are written by scientists. They know everything there is to know about beef cattle. That’s the trouble with the way the people around here have always done things- they never know what they are doing.’ He went back to reading his books. He did not hesitate to speak like that, to his father and his uncle, because the subject was books and scientific knowledge-- those things Rocky had learned to believe in.

…What did they know about cattle raising? They weren’t scientists. Auntie had been listening but did not seem to notice Rocky’s disrespect. She valued Rocky’s growing understanding of the outside world, of the books, of everything of importance and power. He was becoming what she had always wanted: someone who could not only make sense of the outside world but become part of it. (p. 73, 75-76).

Here, Auntie’s dream for Rocky-- to become a part of the outside world-- embodies a contradictory message. Namely, to be a somebody is to be like the white scientist; and to be like the white scientist, Rocky must deny his heritage. In this passage we see Rocky negating, disrespecting his father. But unfortunately, Auntie doesn’t mind this, for she herself has also internalized the white image of success.  To be Indian, in this context is once again to be at odds internally with oneself, with one’s culture. The irony, of course is that Rocky never makes it to college. He believes that white culture is superior to being an Indian. And hence, when a marine recruiter comes to the village, he enlists-- to be “a somebody” in uniform-- and eventually is killed during WWII in the South Pacific.

     For both Little Sister and Rocky the internalization of the white image of Indian is toxic. In each instance we see a “gap” between who they are (Native American) and who they want to be (a somebody). They struggle to bridge this gap, to become complete by attempting, struggling to become white. In each instance they “host” the oppressors’ image of themselves, and in subtle (and not so subtle ways) do the oppressors’ bidding. Further, we must see the place of schooling in the formation of the toxic label. In both instances, the school is an important site for the articulation of the “host.”  For the practices embedded in “schooling” refers to the political and historic realities that accompany the institutionalization of learning to meet the demands of society.  Schooling has a history, as we’ve seen. Schooling is about helping to create and maintain a workforce. Schooling is about power relations and its function to sift, sort, and select students through testing and evaluation. Schooling is about certification and credentialing students for various professions in society. Schooling is about transforming children to “students.” It is through the creation of a “student” that schools are able to mold, shape, and hence lay the groundwork for the “host” in children. Behind the seemingly “benign” label—“student” – is a complex process of dividing the child’s consciousness.

     Within the context of contemporary schooling, Michael Apple’s Ideology and Curriculum (1979) also investigates, in part, how children are labeled through the hidden curriculum, through the processes of sifting, sorting, and selecting to meet the demands of the larger economic order. Apple explores how schooling processes not only affect knowledge, but people as well.  Focusing on the kindergarten experience, Apple (with Nancy King) shows how becoming a “student” entails not only learning attitudes and behaviors that serve as a foundation for the years of schooling to follow, but further entails learning social categories-- definitions that serve as organizing principles. These principles provide the foundation for one’s success in school and subsequently in the workplace. Something as seemingly benign as being labeled a “student” entails a complex process– a complex fusion of knowledge and behavior in the formation of a social identity such that “the social definitions internalized during one’s initial school life provide the constitutive rules for later life in the classroom.  Thus, the elements needing examination are what is construed as work or play, ‘school knowledge’ or merely ‘my knowledge,’ normality or deviance.” (Apple, 1979, p. 51). Notice that Apple’s socialization process includes the learning of norms as well as definitions of organizing categories, such as work and play.  These categories come to define for the kindergartner what it means to be a student.  The social identity of becoming a student is itself grounded upon socially accepted definitions that are woven into classroom environments in ways that are congruent with teacher expectations. At issue, in broad terms suggested by Apple: Does the process by which children learn to become ”students” affirm or deny their sense of self? Is becoming a “student” (with its attendant label), a matter of benign or toxic labeling? Is being labeled a student an act of oppression or liberation?

     In their classroom observations, Apple and King note that the assignment of meaning to various classroom activities for each child are linked to how that child “uses” materials and the quality of their participation in classroom activities. Over time, for example, “when asked about classroom objects, the children responded with remarkable agreement and uniformity. The children divided the materials into two categories: things to work with and things to play with.  No child organized any material in violation of what seemed to be their guiding principle” (Apple, 1979, p. 54). Apple and King report that the meaning of classroom objects and materials is linked with the use of such material in day-to-day activities.

     The process by which the child’s experiences in school are separated, segregated and labeled are categorized into two broad social categories: work and play. “Work includes any and all teacher-directed activities . . . To work, then, is to do what one is told to do, no matter the nature of the activity involved . . . all work activities, and only work activities, were compulsory.”( p. 55).  What is labeled “work” includes school knowledge and all teacher-directed activities, and is compulsory. Regarding the organizing category “work,” Apple observed, “the point of work activities was to do them, not necessarily to do them well . . . Diligence, perseverance, obedience, and participation were rewarded.” (p. 56) This is to say, the child’s relationship to work-defined activities is one of compliance.  Work engenders compliance on the part of the child. The social identity of becoming a “student” entails an aspect of compliance, of being externally motivated, externally regulated.

     In contrast, play in Apple’s study is a marginalized experience: the child’s own free-flowing activity. The category of play is often split off and segregated from the child’s experience in the classroom. What is labeled “play” is defined as “only free-time activities.” Within this classroom context, the burgeoning student comes to understand normality as work-related activities; and outside the norm, deviance is labeled ‘play.’ Play is “merely my knowledge.” Play-related activities – “my” activities – are relegated to the margins of classroom life. To become a “student,” then, means to learn and live out within the school context the social and epistemological distinctions between the organizing categories of work and play; between school knowledge and “my” knowledge; between compliance and self-affirmation. This means that encountering what is labeled as “work” and “play” entails a complex social, psychological, and epistemological process, where children must

learn and accept as natural the social distinctions schools both reinforce and teach between important and unimportant knowledge, between normality and deviance, between work and play, and the subtle ideological rules and norms that inhere in these distinctions, they also internalize visions of both the way institutions should be organized and their appropriate place in these institutions.   These things are learned somewhat differently by different students, of course, and this is where the process of labeling becomes so important to social and economic class differentiation.  The labeling of students . . . has a strong impact on which students accept which particular distinction as natural. (Apple,  p. 142)

 

Becoming a student entails a life lived through what may seem to the child an endless series of compliant acts to meet the demands made by schooling. To be sure, children do resist this process of compliance through contradictory behavior, yet the point here is that the demands on them are unending, and to a greater or lesser extent, schooling can become alienated labor. To be a student entails holding together a divided, dual inner life where the poles are “my knowledge” (my culture, my family, etc.) on the one hand, and official school knowledge on the other. For the successful student will be able to balance out this inner polarity, and this will be especially the case with children whose family values and dispositions mirror official school conventions. Here the inner tension for the student may be minimal if home and school ideologies are in closer alignment. For the children of the poor, the marginalized, the oppressed, there is often a greater degree of dissonance between home and school ideologies. School based values may be perceived by children and their families as the ‘host’ of the oppressor. To complicate matters, in families such as Rocky’s where Auntie, at the expense of her native culture, colludes with the dominant ideology, we find violence towards self and others in the form of shame and hatred.

     In light of this, we must ask what happens to the child’s interior world as their knowledge, “my knowledge,” is split off, dislocated from the schooling experience?  What happens to the child’s inner world as it is cut off from the knowledge that connects “me” to my self and others?

     For therapists Ann and Barry Ulanov (1975), the response is located in children finding value in their reality. They write,

 

Being alive is more than being healthy.  Feeling real involves more than functioning adequately.  Believing life is worthwhile goes far beyond simply feeling able to cope with stresses and strains . . . It is true that psychotherapy . . . does two important things . . . it strives to remove the blocks that obscure a person’s vision of himself or herself as real, as fully alive, and it points the way to value . . . It finds value in reality . . . Healing has, properly enough, long been thought of as a way of recovering a sense of reality, not simply being restored to health . . . Healing recovers a relationship between dislocated elements.  It does not just paste them together, but rather establishes among them a new and conversant relationship. ( Ulanov, pp. 171-3).

 

How do we establish among the dislocated elements of what are labeled as “work” and “play” a new and conversant relationship?  A healing relationship?

     One response is Paulo Freire’s notion of  true words,” which stands in opposition to the  toxic labeling that stereotypes and oppresses all who are marginalized. Furthermore, Freire’s notion of  true words” and the practice of labeling can be said to be related to each other, but not reducible to each other. Both true words and the process of labeling share a common characteristic: they both name aspects of the world through processes of separating, sorting, and differentiation; but while true words and labels share this common characteristic, they can hardly be said to be equivalent. The social practices attendant with  true words aim at affirming the self in spiritual communion with others.  The social act of labeling does not affirm the self, nor is labeling usually thought of as a sacred communal effort.

     Paulo Freire writes about the “true word” in his seminal work, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1997).  In Chapter 3 of this text, Freire stresses the central importance of dialogue in “human phenomena,” stating that the essence of dialogue is the word.  He makes an analytic distinction between the true word on the one hand, and an “unauthentic” word on the other.  Unauthentic words, like toxic labels, may be likened to “false” words, those linked to a kind of false generosity, a false charity towards others.  Pedagogies, for instance, cloaked in false generosity begin with the egoistic interests of those in power and are used as “an instrument of dehumanization” (Freire, 1997, p. 36). In addition, unauthentic words are unable to transform reality, for they lack connectedness to the world and to the lived experiences within which they are spoken.

     In contrast, Freire defines “true” words as consisting of two constitutive elements: reflection, and action. These two elements are woven together “in such radical interaction that if one is sacrificed – even in part – the other immediately suffers.” (1997, p. 68) The relationship between reflection and action, which together constitute the true words, exists as an “ecological” balance between these two elements.  If either of these two constitutive elements is missing or diminished from this ecological balance, the true word is violated, and hence, no longer able to be transformative in reality.  That is, if the balance between reflection and action is altered, this ecological system falls in disarray, reducing the true word to either empty verbalism (chatter) or activism (thoughtless acts).  “When a [true] word is deprived of its dimension of action, reflection automatically suffers as well; and the word is changed into chatter, into verbalism, into an alienating ‘blah’” (ibid., p. 68). Likewise, when the true word is stripped of reflection, the word is changed into activism – action for action’s sake – which “negates the true praxis and makes dialogue impossible.” (ibid., p. 69)

     Freire conceives the true word as praxis itself: “There is no true word that is not at the same time praxis.  Thus, to speak a true word is to transform the world; . . . action + reflection=word=work=praxis.” (ibid., p. 68) The true word provides concrete encounters between individuals in the act of transforming the world. This act, transforming the world, humanizing it, is our true vocation as human beings.  The “act” of transformation is initiated through the use of true words to name the world.  As Freire says, “To exist, humanly, is to name the world, to change it.  Once named, the world in turn reappears to the namers as a problem and requires of them a new naming.” (ibid., p. 69) Thus, the world, constructed out of true words, is identified in naming.  However, what is named is rendered problematic; the new name becomes a problem itself, to be built upon, acted upon, and changed.  This process of change and transformation is historical in nature, occurring over time and through the efforts of human beings working collectively.

     Viewed from another perspective, the psychological aspect of naming through true words entails ego development and growth, becoming an individual through a dialectical engagement with the world; an engagement of differentiation, of sorting, of separation from the world. This separation from the world is an aggressive action on our part as individuals, an aggressive moment of pulling away from the undifferentiated contents of our experiences in order to make sense of them.  In naming, we differentiate ourselves from the world. As such, we become individuals in the very act of articulating our relationship with the world.  Being an individual does not mean we stand alone in the world.  Rather, as individuals we are now able to act and relate, to “use” the world in meaningful ways.  But further, as therapist John Tarrant points out:

 

To name is to bring an attitude of wonder to the work of sorting . . . When we can name what is happening to us, we are no longer wholly identified with it and have begun to separate from the grasping dark.  If what we feel is known and named to be a tiger, then the whole world is not tiger.  We can divide the compulsion and the image, action and the emotion.  There is a landscape through which we move, trees casting their own stripes on the forest floor, places where the tiger is not . . . Separation gives us being and world . . . when we give names we devise an intimate link with what is named; we incur obligations that serve to establish us more steadfastly. . . . To name is to offer a piece of ourselves to the world . . . Later what has been separated out may come to be seen as too solid and will need to be dissolved. (Tarrant, 1998, pp. 99-100, my emphasis)

 

To name the world through true words is to create an “intimate link with what is named.” In this act of separation, between the naming and the named, we, as individuals, become a part of the world itself, for “to name is to offer a piece of ourselves to the world”-- a piece which if too solid, “will need to be dissolved.”  The world is not simply us; rather, in naming we become a part of the world, connected to it in thought and action.  When we name with true words, then we see ourselves in the world, and through the very action of naming. As we name the world we name ourselves. Through naming, the individual becomes a subject who literally articulates and authors him- or herself into a world, and authoring oneself in this world affirms one’s own existence: “I am.”

     This complex, multidimensional process of naming the world is never fixed, final or turned into an idol to be worshipped.  Rather, the humanization of reality, through praxis, is an ongoing dialectical process between reflection and action: thinking about the world critically, then acting to transform oppressive situations.  Within this context, pedagogy becomes a vehicle for developing our problem-posing capacity; “problem-posing education involves a constant unveiling of reality.” (Freire, 1997, p. 64) The process of humanizing the world is never settled, but is rather an ongoing project for humanity.  Further, problem-posing – rendering problematic the name – is a dialogical encounter between people.  In dialogue, we encounter each other in history as active subjects, together naming our world. As Freire notes, “Consequently, no one can say a true word alone – nor can she say it for another, in a prescriptive act which robs others of their words.” (ibid., p. 69) True words call us to the existence of others in the world and the necessity of joining with them in the act of humanizing reality.  This call – which acknowledges others and their importance – elicits hope in us, where “hope is rooted in man’s [sic] incompletion, from which they move in constant search – a search which can be carried out only in communication with others.” (ibid., p. 72)

     Our calling as human beings, then, is to find ourselves in the presence of others: “a search that can be carried out only in communion with others.” True words elicit such communion with others.  This communion is never a neutral enterprise; rather, it is both political and moral-– for the liberatory project is marked, in its effort to humanize the world by transforming oppressive structures and situations, by conflicting power relations between the oppressed and the oppressors.

    Through dialogue (and true words) children can begin to learn how to regain the reality of their lives-to feel alive and real in the world, to name for themselves the world and not be named by another. They learn to reclaim themselves and in the process redefine conventional labels such “student.” Imposed from the outside, living the label “student” can also serve an important purpose: to provide boundaries – it limits and defines the learning realities children must face within the school environment.  Indeed, both Freire and D.W. Winnicott are aware of the necessity of external forces pressing upon us– as limit-situations or through the “reality principle” – dynamics which have the capacity to both relieve anxiety or impinge on our lives in ways that oppress.  Paradoxically, both would argue that is through our very engagements with the world and its pressures that we come to learn and realize that we are not the whole picture; we are not alone; others do exist.  Confronted by others, we begin to understand that compromise and negotiation are not evils in themselves but rather necessary for dialogue to proceed, dialogue grounded in the exigencies of everyday life. Within this dialogue with others the child begins to explore the school environment. Here the encounter between teacher and child is necessary for growth. The open question is the quality of that encounter. For example, is the child able to respond back to what the teacher demands, or is he or she silenced either in overt or hidden ways?

Learning, for both Freire and Winnicott, also involves confronting limit-situations in terms of impingement, the walls that impede. The importance for Winnicott is not the existence of an oppressive other, who is starkly “not-me,” but rather the humanity of the “good enough” teacher (and the “good enough” school environment) in the response to the child.  The “good enough” teacher and school neither impinge nor allow limitless freedom for all impulses to be expressed. In dialogue with the “good enough” teacher, children realize that they are not the whole picture, but an integral part of it - neither omnipotent nor powerless, but part of a relational give and take.

     How does this happen? Interestingly enough, we find a solution written 2600 years ago in Plato’s Republic.  In his discussion of educating the children of the republic, Socrates states, “no free person should learn anything like a slave…nothing taught by force stays in the soul…Then don’t use force to train the children in these subjects; use play instead.” (Grube, 1992, p.208).  Indeed, use play instead to find meaning in their lives.

     In his classic book, Playing and Reality (1996), Winnicott explores the therapeutic search for ourselves and others through the complex and multilayered activity of playing.  I will draw on some of the more salient aspects of playing as a way to bring this essay to closure, keeping in mind that my discussion here is but an opening look at such a rich domain. Winnicott writes: “it is in playing and only in playing that he individual child or adult is able to be creative and to use the whole personality, and it is only in being creative that the individual discovers the self” ( p. 54). For the student, the categories of work and play become reintegrated through the activity of playing. This activity, however, is not primarily pedagogical; rather it is itself therapy, in that playing does not necessarily have a goal, nor a product attached to it.  Instead, in our search for the self, creative play emerges as we begin to reconnect to ourselves, to communicate with what leads us to feel alive.  “In the search for the self the person concerned may have produced something valuable in terms of art, but a successful artist may be universally acclaimed and yet have failed to find the self that he or she is looking for . . . The finished creation never heals the underlying lack of sense of self” (p. 55).  For Winnicott, playing is about healing, and not simply about becoming a creative artist, producing a product for the world.

     Rather than being an act of producing artifacts, playing is associated with relaxation and trust; hence its therapeutic capacity.  Relaxation refers to free association, where the subject is “allowed to communicate a succession of ideas, thoughts, impulses, sensations that are not linked” to any specific purpose beyond activity itself.  Playing is to be relaxed, like the child in the sandbox.  Playing is a creative outlet for communicating with oneself.  For the child in this context, playing is an end in itself.  Playing is relaxing despite being active.  It is relaxation in the sense of the child at rest and at peace in the world, secure enough, trusting enough in his or her environment to let go of defensive postures.  Within such a facilitating, trusting environment – an environment that “holds” a child or student safe – this resting state, in turn,  produces a “creative reaching out” whereby in the act of using external objects (for infants) or naming the world (for children and adults) through play, we offer the world pieces of ourselves. As we see ourselves, find ourselves once again in the world, we lower our defenses.  Playing is both restful and energizing.  Through it we feel at home in the world.  Hence it makes us once again feel real and alive.  It restores our hope and faith and opens us to the larger world.  Winnicott writes: “cultural experience begins with creative living first manifested in play.” ( p. 100)

       Finally, Winnicott views playing as a third space, a transitional space, in between inner reality and external environment which expands into creative living and into the whole cultural life of and where,

 

The potential space between baby and mother, between child and family, between individual and society or the world, depends on the experience which leads to trust.  It can be looked upon as sacred to the individual in that it is here that the individual experiences creative living.

            In contrast, exploitation of this area leads to a pathological condition in which the individual is cluttered up with the persecutory elements of which he has no means of ridding himself. (1996, pp. 102-3)

 

Along similar lines of thinking, Paulo Freire writes,

 

Perhaps it was during my distant childhood that I developed the habit that I still carry today of occasionally surrendering myself to profound contemplation, as if I am isolated from everything else, the people and things that surround me.  I like to think I find myself in the play of losing myself.  I often find myself in this contemplative state while doing research or in my office. (Freire, 1996, p. 14)

 

Indeed, playing can be looked upon as a space of rest and activity, a place where one can trust in the world as oneself – acting without pretense or compliance.  Through “playing,” the child-as-student locates that space in between the categories of play (“my world”) and work (external reality).

     What is labeled “playing” is not the solution to all problems attendant with schooling or living.  Through playing one does not remove labels such as “student.” Through playing, however, it is possible to recommunicate with ourselves beyond the ‘toxic’ label, and to realize that beneath the label there is something more: a place where we can once again feel alive and real, feel at home and once again trust in ourselves.  Perhaps we may begin to feel the courage to live our lives to the fullest, the courage to live our lives as authentically as possible, to once again trust in another, so that “we” may continue the struggle together to humanize the school and the world.

 

References

 

Apple, M. (1979).  Ideology and Curriculum.  London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

-Freire, P. (1996).  Letters to Christina: Reflections on My life and Work.  New York: Routledge Press.

-Freire, P. (1997).  Pedagogy of the Oppressed.  New York: Continuum.

-Grube, G.M.A. (1992). Plato’s Republic. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing.

-Kozol, J. ((1992). Savage Inequalities. New York: Harper Perennial.

-McCarthy, C. and W. Crichlow (eds.) (1993).  Race, Identity, and Representation in Education.   New York: Routledge.

            -Silko, L. M., (1977). Ceremony. New York: Penguin Books.

-Spring, J. (1997).  The American School: 1642-1996, Fourth Edition.  New York: McGraw-Hill.

-Tarrant, J. (1998).  The Light inside the Dark.  New York: HarperCollins.

-Ulanov. A. and B. Ulanov (1975).  Religion and the Unconscious.  Philadelphia: Westminster Press.

-Winnicott, D. W. (1996) [1971].  Playing and Reality.  New York: Routledge.